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DISTRICT MUZAFFARNAGAR GAZEETEER CHAPTER III THE PEOPLE

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 CHAPTER III

THE PEOPLE

THE CENSUS OF 1847

THE CENSUS OF 1853

THE CENSUS of  1865

THE CENSUS of  1872

THE CENSUS of  1881

THE CENSUS of  1891

THE CENSUS of  1901  

DENSITY

IMMIGRATION

SEX

INFIRMITIES

RELIGION

HINDUS

CHAMARS

JATS

KAHARS  

BRAHAMINS

GUJARS

RAJPUT

OTHER HINDU CASTE 

TAGAS  

CRIMINAL TRIBES

BAURIYAS

MUSLMAAN SAIYIDS

JULAHAS

SHEIKHS

CONVERTED HINDUS

PATHANS

Other Musalman

AGRICULTURISTS

CONDITIONS OF THE TENANTS

INDEBTNESS

TENANTS HOLDINGS

OCCUPANCY RIGHTS

RENTS

OCCUPATIONS     

RELIGIOUS SECTS

LOCAL DEITIES

PIYARA JI

PULAMDEH DEVI

GOGA PIR     

BABA KALU

FAIRS

Christianity

THE ARYA SAMAJ

CUSTOMS

THE BUILDING AND HOUSES

LANGUAGE

Proprietary tenures

LAND OWNERS

KARNAL FAMILY

BANIA LANDLORD

BOHARAS

SAIYID ESTATE

JAT POSSESSION

GUJAR LANDLORDS

RAJPUTS

TRANSFERS

THE BANIAS

RECENT TRANSFERS     

 

 

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THE CENUS OF 1847

The first census of the district was taken in 1847. The returns showed a total population of 537,594 souls, falling at the rate of 333 to the square mile. The district then con­tained 934 inhabited villages, of which 803 contained less than 1,000 inhabitants and 121 had between 1,000 and 5,000. The towns having a population exceeding 5,000 were, in order of size, Kairana, Thana Bhawan, both of which con­tained over 11,000 persons, Shamli, Jalalabad, Muzaffarnagar and Kandhla, each containing over 7,000, and Jhinjhana, Budhana, Jansath and Charthawal, The urban population numbered 74,897 souls, or about fourteen per cent, of the total number of inhabitants. Even amongst these there must have been a large proportion dependent more or less on the land for their subsistence. In fact, the towns in this district partake far more of the nature of large villages than of towns proper, and the entire district is essentially agricultural in charac­ter.

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THE CENSUS OF 1853

The census of 1852, better known as the census of 1853 from the year of report, shows a total population numbering 672,861 souls, or 409 to the square mile. The number of inhabited villages had fallen to 887, and of these 717 had a population of less than 1,000, and 159 had between 1,000 and 5,000 inhabitants. The towns with more than 5,000 residents were the same as in 1847 with the addition of Miranpur. The changes in the boundaries of the district occurring between these two enumera­tions had resulted in an increase of ten villages with 7,828 inhabitants; but even if this be deducted from the total population the increase is striking, and must in a great measure be attributed to defective enumeration in the first instance.

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THE CENSUS of  1865

The census of 1865 was    more    accurate   and   therefore    more valuable for the purposes of comparison.  It gives a total population of all sexes, ages and   creeds   of    682,212   souls, with    a density of 414 to the square mile. The district then contained 1041 villages, of which 871 had less than 1,000 inhabitants, 161 between 1,000 and   5,000, while the   towns   having more than 5 000 inhabitants were the same as in 1853, with the exception of Budhana. The increase since the last enumeration is not very great as thirteen years had elapsed, but at the same lime it must he remembered that in the interval the  mutiny  had occurred, resulting in a great disturbance of the population, and this was followed  by   the    very   severe   famine   of  1860   which    drove, at  least  for  a   time,  a  large   number    of   villagers    from   the district.

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THE CENSUS of  1872

The next census occurred only   seven  years   later,   in    1872. The returns   showed   a    total population of 690,082 souls, giving 419 inhabitants   to   the    square   mile.  The  district   was    then divided   into   883   inhabited   tillages,   with  an average   of  782 inhabitants to each village. The actual classification of villages shows that 708 had a population of less than 1,000 persons, 162 between 1000 and  5,000,  while   the   towns    with  a  population exceeding 5,000 souls were the same as in the previous enumera­tion,  with the addition of   Khatauli and  Gangeru.     There   had been   no   changes    in   the   area   of the district during the period that had elapsed since 1865, and the most noteworthy  feature   of this census was    the  apparently great, diminution in the agricul­tural population, which had fallen by more  than 50,000 per persons. This appears to be cgiefly due to an error in classification, for day laourers and the mass of agricultural population were included in the non-agricultural classes, cheifly because their caste-name denoted a trade.

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THE CENSUS of  1881

 At the cenusu of 1881 the total population of district was ascertained to be 758,444 persons, falling at the rate of 457.9 to the square mile. The Most notable   increase   heretofore   recorded. Through out the nortern half of the Meerut division the population was found to have grown   very    rapidly, the   increase   in Muzaffarnagar being as much as 68,337. The district at that time contained 912 inhabited villages, of which 609 had a population of less than 1,000 inhabitants, and 187 between 1,000 and 5,000. The towns with a population of 5,000 and over were sixteen in number; Budhana was again restored to the list, the other additions being Pur and Sisauli, The great increase in the population of the district was a natural accompaniment of a suc­cession of prosperous years during which the period of scarcity that characterised the later half of the decade had failed to produce any baneful effect on this district, but rather the reverse.

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THE CENSUS of  1891

In 1891 we find a still further increase but not at the same rate.   Census The total population of the district was returned at 772,874 per­sons, or 14,430 more than in 1881. The district then contained 900 inhabited villages, of which 689  contained  a  population   of less    than   1,000 persons, and 196 between 1,000 and 5,000. The number and names of the towns remain the same as   in   the    pre­ceding enumeration.    Nothing of any importance occurred during this period in the history of the district, and the development   of population may on the whole be taken as normal, although possibly it was checked to some extent by the spread of fever consequent on saturation in certain tracts. The increase in the urban, as comparrd with the rural, population had not been very great during the past fifty years, the    former amounting   to   16.3 per cent, and the latter to 83.7 per cent, of the   total   population,    the  propor­tion,  as before, being smaller than in any other district of the division.

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THE CENSUS of  1901

At the last census of 1901 the district had an ascertained population of 877,188 persons residing in 928 inhabited sites. Of the latter 433 had a population of under 500, and 234 under 500 and 1,000; the number of villages between 1,000 and 5,000 was 246, while those with a population of over 5,000 remained the same as in 1891. The increase in the population since the last census was enormous, amounting to no less than 104,313 persons, although this was far smaller than the results obtained in the three southern districts of the division. The population of every tahsil and of almost every pargana has increased by large amounts. The district had passed through a period of unexampled prosperity and the people were quite unaffected by the drought of 1897.    What   real   distress there may have been was confined to ,    poorest labourers, and the prevailing high prices added wealth the community as a    whole.    During   the wet year  of   1894 and   the spring  of  1895   the    people were enabled to save their water rates and to hold up their stores of grain all through 1896 in the hope of obtaining even higher prices.   The greatest increase was found among the rural population, the percentage to the total in this case rising to 84.7.

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DENSITY

The mean density of the population, as determined by the figures of 1901, is 531.3 to the square mile, showing an increase of 65.2 persons to every square mile of the district since 1891. If we refer back to tho figures of 1847 and assume that enumeration to be accurate, we  find that during the past fifty-four years the population has increased at an average rate of 3.6 persons to the square    mile   in   each  year.    This    is exactly   the   same as that obtained in 1881, and approximately the    same   as   in    1872 and 1865.    On the other hand, the returns of 1852 show an average annual increase during tho preceding five years of no   less   than 14.4 persons to each square mile of the district, a figure so great that it almost necessitates the rejection of the accuracy of the census of 1847. If we accept the figures of 1852, we find the average annual increment to be only 2.5 persons to the square mile; this is lower than any other figure to be obtained by the same method of calcula­tion from the returns of other enumerations, but on the other hand it must be remembered that the census of 1852 was followed by a very disastrous period in the history of the district. As a matter of fact, the unprecedented increase in the population between 1891 and 1901 completely upsets all calculations of this nature, but at the same time it cannot be disregarded; for there seems no rea­son, m the absence of undesirable calamities, why the population should not go on increasing at the same rate so long as the land can yield enough for their support.    Whether finality in this respect within measurable distance of realization remains to be seen: the subdivision of shares   and  holdings   has    already  become so minute  that it  seems as  if the only possibility for the support of a still larger population lies  in   the  application   of  improved method of agriculture.

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IMMIGRATION

Further, the population has not been swelled by immigration to any proclaimed extent. For every 10,000 of the people, 8,600 were born in the district, while 1,198 were natives of contiguous districts. This leaves 202 persons in every 10,000, who were born in other parts of the provinces or elsewhere. This figure is fairly high, but at the same time much lower than in any other district of the Meerut division. The percentage of immigrants was in all 14.7, and of these over two-thirds were females, whose advent is simply due to the natural marriage customs of the country. Moreover, against this immigration we have to set the number of emigrants, the percentage of the latter to the popula­tion born in the district being as much as 9.5, so that the actual increase accruing from external addition to the population is but very small.

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SEX

Of the total population, males numbered 469,243 as against 407,945 females. The disproportion between the sexes thus amounts to 3.1 per cent., representing a very considerable decrease during the past thirty years, for in 1872 it was as much as 6.3 per cent., and at that time there were only 837 females to every  1,000 males in the district. At the present time, of all the districts in the division, excluding Dehra Dun, where special circumstances prevail, Muzaffarnagar has a greater disproportion in this respect than the others, Saharanpur alone excepted. The proportion of females becomes greater as we go southwards, the difference being much less marked in Meerut than in Muzaffarnagar and again in Bulandshahr as compared with Meerut. In this connection it is significant that the infanticide rules have not yet been withdrawn from all the villages of this district pro­claimed in 1878, whereas in Bulandshahr the whole district has been exempt for many years. The only point of importance in this matter, so far as this district is concerned, is that there has been a great improvement during the past fifty years. We cannot, however, accept the returns of 1852, which showed only 261,027 females out of total population of 672,861 persons.

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INFIRMITIES

Tho statistics relating to infirmities wore collected for the first time in 1872. In that year there were 3,043 persons afflicted, of whom 2,538 were blind, 143 deaf and dumb, and 227 lepers. The last census shows a very material improvement in this respect, as the district is proportionately much better off than the adjoining tracts. In all, 1,988 persons were returned as afflicted, and of these 1,653 were blind, a very much lower figure than in the other plains districts of this division. The number of deaf-mutes alone had risen, the total being 151, but lepers had de­creased to 76.

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RELIGION

Classifying the whole population    according to religions, the census returns of 1901 give 600,833 Hindus, 255,292 Musalmans, 10,150 Jains, 3,122 Aryas, 1,402 Christians, 280 Sikhs  and  nine Buddhists.     The   proportion   of Musalmans   to   Hindus    is  very large in this district, and is   only  exceeded   in  Saharanpur  and the  northern districts of  Rohilkhand.    In    1872   the   percentage of Hindus to the total population   was  72.3  and  of  Musalmans 27.7, or roughly three   Musalmaas   to    every eight hindus.    In 1901 Hindus numbered   69 per cent, of  the whole population, while Musalmans had increased to  28.9   per cent.     It will  thus be seen that the rate of increase of the   Musalman population in this district, as elsewhere, is coasiderably more   rapid  than   that of the Hindus.    No is this due in any way to conversion, but is the result of the established facts that Musalmans are not only more fertile than Hindus, but that they also   live   longer.    The reason is to a large extent, and especially so in   this district, that the Musalmans on the   whole  are   better  off  than   the    Hindus. They do not include among their numbers so large   a   proportion of the   very poor as the later and this distrinction is  particularly marked in Muzaffarnagar to the numbers and influence of the Baraha Sayidis.

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HINDUS

Beginning with the Hindus, we find that, according to the census returns of 1901, the most numerous castes are the following.

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CHAMARS

         First in point of numbers come the Chamars, amounting to 135,132 persons. They have increased enormously since 1872, to the extent of nearly 40,000 persons. As is usual in this divi­sion, they form the bulk of the agricultural population, but are chiefly found as mere field-labourers rather than as tenants. They has the list in every tahsil of the district except Budhana, but they own no land anywhere. Their presence is generally resented by the the rest of the population, for the effects of their competition for land result in an enhancement of the rental. They labour hard and apparently with success, as they almost invariably have to pay excessive rates.

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JATS

Next come the Jats, numbering 83,259 persons, who are perhaps the most important Hindu caste in the district. Besides the Hindu members of this clan, a considerable number, amount­ing to 10,585 persons, are Musalmans. Their origin has been constantly discussed, and in this connection we may quote the words of Mr. Miller, the Settlement Officer: " Much ingenuity has been spent on the attempt to prove them to be Scythians; but, if physiognomy counts for anything, no one could doubt their Aryan origin. Their tribes or subcastes are extremely nu­merous; 650 have been taken account of in the census returns in this district alone. With scarcely any exception, all the tribes state that they migrated to this district from the Panjab, Jhind, Hariana, Sirsa, Rohtak, and the places in which they locate their original home. The great tribe of the ghatwalas how­ever, who hold a chaurasi of villages in the west of the dis­trict and in Meerut, invariably say that they come from Ghajni or Garh-Gajni, and it is generally supposed that the Afghan Ghazni is alluded to. The other most important clan here is tho Balian with headquarters at Sisauli and Purbalian. The Saliklan, a powerful body, further south, have some repre­sentatives in this district. The Jats entered the district from the south-west and established themselves in its most fertile tracts. Avoiding the wastes and jungles near the Jumna, they took almost exclusive possession of the rich tract lying between Shamli and the southern border; then crossing the Hindan they occupied the southern portion of pargana Baghra and the best estates of Shikarpur; but the force of the immigration had spent itself by this time, and across the Kali, though Jats are still numerous, their communities are scattered amongst villages be­longing to cultivators of other classes."

The parent village of the Ghatwalas is Lisarh. Shamli is an­other large Jat centre, while the Jats between Shamli and the southern border hold what is known as a " bioni " or group of fifty-two villages. The large Jat settlement in the north of the district lying between the Gujars and Chauhans of Chausiana on the west and the Pundirs of Muzaffarnagar   on  the   east   is composed    of various tribes which have gradually coalesced. There are also any jat occupying the upland ridge above the Ganges khadir. Most of the Jats in this district are known as Deswalas, who were the first of their clan to obtain a footing in these provinces. The Jats are undoubtedly the best cultivators in the district, and to them are due the credit of introducing the present system of agriculture. They are very hard workers, their toil continuing all the year round; there is scarcely any season in which some crop does not call for attention. In. character they are somewhat narrow-minded, and their self-reliance tends to exilusiveness and a spirit of excessive independence. Further, there is a great want of cohesion among the Jat communities, and they are rapidly being broken up into very small fragments by partitions. At the same time their superiority is manifested by the fact that the Jat villages can pay with ease revenues .which would undoubt­edly cause a break-down if the lands were held by other castes, while at the same time they maintain an equally high standard of comfort.

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KAHARS

The Kahars are also a very numerous caste in this district, numbering 46,872 persons. They belong to the menial Castes, but are constantly found as cultivators in all parts of the district particularly in the Kairana tahsil. The great bulk of them belong to the Mahar subdivision, the only other family that is found in any numbers being the Dhinwars. There are no Musalman Kahars in this district. The same remarks as were made above regarding the Chamars apply with equal force to the Kahars also.

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BRAHAMINS

Closely following on the Kahars come Brahmans, numbering 46785. As elsewhere in the north of the Duab, the great majority belong to the Gaur division. They are chiefly found in the western half of the district, their numbers in the Jansath tahsil being comparatively small. They hold a fair proportion of the land, amounting at the time of the last settle­ment to 17,394 acres. Nearly half of this is in, the Kairana tahsil and the bulk of the remainder in Muzaffarnagar and Budhana. Next come the Saraswati who are again divided into large number of clans, the most common in this district being the Kashmiris and Acharyas. The spurious Brahmans, known as Bohras or Rahtis, are found in small numbers in this district, amounting to 288 persons. They are almost -wholly confined to the Meerut division, and though few in number are of considerable importance owing to their wealth and trading propensities. They are said to be immigrants from Marwar and are called Palliwals from their original home, Pali, in that country. The Bohras are the great money-lenders and pawn-brokers of the upper Duab and have acquired a considerable amount of land, which at Mr. Cadell's settlement amounted to 7788 acres, chiefy situated in the parganas of Muzaffarnagar, Bhukarheri and Charthawal. The leading family of this clan resides at Muzaffar­nagar.

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GUJARS

The Gujars are people of considerable importance. They numbered at the last census 31,290 persons in this district Like the Jats, they claim for themselves a Rajput origin, and their largest clan, the Kalsians, who hold a chaurasi or tract of eighty-four villages near the Jumna, trace their descent from a local Rajput chief. Their principal home in this dis­trict is in tne ill-cultivated tract bordering the Jumna, bit they are also found in large numbers on the other side of tie district in the villages near the ravines overlooking the Ganges khadir, and they occupy the greater part of the khadir pargana of Gordhanpur. The Gujars of Muzaffarnagar preserve the re­putation for cattle-lifting which they possess in other districis, and most of them prefer a careless mode of life with all its dis­comforts to a more settled existence. At the same time they show a considerable amount of energy when they devote themselves to agriculture, and many communities have settled down steadily to farming with the best results. They still rank among the chief landholders of the district, and at the time of Mr. Miller's settlement they held 96,549 acres, half of which lay in the Kairana tahsil, and the greater part of the remainder in Gordhanpur and Khandha. Much of the land, however, held by the Gujars is of a very inferior quality. In the days of Raja Ram-dayal of Landhaura the Gujars were undoubtedly the chief landholders of the whole district, but the vast estate was  broken up at his death in 1813, and the villages restored to thier original proprietors. A large number of Gujars, amounting to 15,866 persons, in addition to the numbers given above, have embraced Islam, but these differ but little from other Hindu brethren.

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RAJPUT

Next come the Rajputs, both Hindu and Musalman. The former at the last census numbered 28,642 persons and the latter 23,634. They are found in comparatively small numbers in this district, if we consider the prevalence of Rajputs in Meerut and the other districts of the Duab, and this appears to be due to the supremacy of the Saiyids, Gujars and others at different periods of the history of the district. Within recent times, at all events the Rajputs have never occupied a very prominent place in Muzaffarnagar. The Rajputs, in fact, appear to have been to a large extent dispossessed by the Jats. They still own a number of villages in the south of the district and have retained most of the estates forming the northern portion of Thana Bhawan and the adjoining parganas. The Jats seem everywhere to have seized upon the best land, and the Rajput properties in the south and east mainly consist of riverain villages. In the north-west a very large tract of country is still covered with Rajput cultiva­tors, who in almost all cases had proprietary rights up to the mutiny. The Rajputs are among the earliest Aryan settlers in the district, their chief clans being the Chauhans, numbering 9,775, and Pundirs, 6,854. Of these the Pundirs came first; they are of the same family as those in Saharanpur, and have retained or invented a more general account of their wanderings than usual. According to their account they went from Ajodhia to Kach Bagha on the ocean, thence to Bijapur in the Deccan, to Lahorishahr in Tilangdesh, thence again to Pundri in Karnal, and to Mayapur near Hardwar. They were driven out of Karnal by the Chauhans, who came from Sambhal in Moradabad or Sambhar in Rajputana, and who apparently had followed them across the river.

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CHAUHANS

The headquarters of the Chauhans is at Chausana in Bidauli, close to the Saharanpur border. Here they hold a "chaubisi'' or colony of twenty-four villages, most of which are still in the hands of their founders. They also occur in many other parts of the district, but are people of no status or importance. They have settled down to agriculture, and in common with the other Rajputs of this district display no aversion as a class to manual labour. They cannot be regarded among the first rank of culti­vators, and many of them bear an indifferent reputation, which they fully justified in the mutiny. The Chauhan Rajputs, however, should not be confounded with the Chauhans of the Ganges khadir, who are not Rajputs at all. They appear to have come to this district from Bijnor, and are said to be the descendants of a Rajput and a Chamar; in their appearance they certainly resemble the latter caste. They lead an unsettled and wandering life and very seldom devote themselves seriously to agriculture.

Of the other Rajput clans found in this district, the chief are the Jadons, numbering 3,861, Kachwahas, 2,477, Gaharwars, Panwars, Gahlots, Gaurs, Bargujars, Bhale Sultans, Tomars, and Solankis. With the exception of the first two, none of these occur in any numbers. The Gaharwars have 600 members and the Gahlots 360, but none of the others are found in numbers greatly exceeding one hundred. Besides these, several other clans are found in very small numbers, and are not deserving of special mention. They are all petty agriculturists and have no influence or position. Generally speaking, the Rajputs of this district are very much looked down upon by the great Rajputs of the south, although the relationship is undoubtedly recognised. The Kachwahas are said to have been at one time unusually powerful in this district, but are now only found in a few villages on the southern border. Their traditional headquarters were at Tisang, whence they say that they formerly held sway over a chaurasi, with a Raja of their own at the head. These Kachwa has are called Jhotiyanas in this district -a name said to be derived from Jhotwara in Jaipur, whence they originally came.

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MUSALMAN RAJPUT

Among the Musalmaan Rajputs the most numerous are Chauhans 9,197, and Pundirs, 4,887, according to the figures of the last census. Besides these, there are considerable numbers of Bargujars, Panwars, Tomars, Bhattis and others. The Musal­man Rajputs only hold one-fifth of the amount of land in the possession of their Hindu brethren, and their estates are almost entirely confined to the Kairana and Budhana tahsils. The village of Ainchaulli, on the left bank of this western Kali Nadi in the extreme west of pargana Khatauli,   is   said    to  have been headquarters of an estate held by Sombansi   Rajputs.     Most property    left,  however,is  situated   in   the   Meerut district.

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BANIAS

Next in point   of order  come    the  Banias,   who    at   the   last census numbered  28,570   persons.     These   figures   exclude the Jains to whom they are closely related, almost all    of    the   latter being Banias of the Agarwal subdivision.     The Hindu   Banias for the most part belong also to the Agarwal clan, which   is   represented by 22,517 persons.    The only other subdivisions of anyimportance    in   this  district  arc   the   Barasenis,  Mahesris   and Rustogis, but  of  these   the   Barasenis   alone   have  over   1,000 representatives.     The Banias occur everywhere, but  are  chiefly found in the Kairnna and Muzaffarnagar tahsils.     As  every where they include  amongst their    numbers   many    persons    of    great wealth and   influence,  and  occupy  a   leading place   among the land owning classes of   the  district.    The   chjef   Bania   landlords belong to a large banking firm in Muzaffarnagar that    rose   to   a position    of   considerable     influence   and   importance    after   the mutiny.    The    Banias   of Chhapar also   hold large   estates,    of which they gained possession through  their  connection  with   the Gujar chief of Landhaura.    Another prominent family of Banias are those at Talra in pargana Jauli-Jansath; the   founder of the family   having     been   dependent on   the    Saiyids   of Jansath. Banias are never popular as landlords, but in the opinion of the settlement Officer they are, in this district, quite as good as   any other class.     In   their     capacity    of    mony-lenders   they    have acquired a   footing in many estates throughout  the district,  and specially west of the Hindau, and    they  are   gradually increasing their hold.

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JAINS

The Jain Banias form one of the most important class of the mercantile community, and are deserving of notice on account influence and wealth. They are generally known as Saraugis, are to be found in all the market towns of the district. At the last cenus numbered 10,150 persons, a figure only exceeded in Meerut, Agra and Jhansi. They have in their hand almost   the  whole  of  the   export  trade  of the district, and their wealth is attested by the number of fine tem­ples they have built in many places. In Khatauli, for instance, the second market of the district, there are no less than four large Jain temples of comparatively recent erection.

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OTHER HINDU CASTE

Little need be said regarding the Bhangis, who at the last census numbered 27,279 persons. They are very numerous in all the districts of this division, but occupy a very low place in the social scale and are a purely menial caste. Occasionally they are found as agriculturists, but very seldom as regular tenants, their general work being day-labour in one form or another. They are closely followed in point of numbers by the Sanis, of whom there were 26,261 in this district in 1901. The Sanis are connected with the Malis, but in this district they have come under the influence of the Jaits and are regular cultivators rather than market-gardeners. They are far more numerous in Muzaffarnagar than in any other district of the provinces, although large numbers of them are found in Saharanpur and Bijnor. They occupy a prominent position in the first rank of cultivators, but, unlike their brethren in Saharanpur, hold very little land as proprietors. Nearly half of them are found in the Jansath tahsil, the remainder being chiefly confined to the north of the district. Nearly all the Sanis belong to the Bhagirathi subdivision of the caste. Their kinsmen, the Malis, numbered 6,078 persons, and are almost entirely confined to the Kairana tahsil.

Of the remaining Hindu castes, very few call for any special mention. Next in point of order come Gadariyas, Faqirs, Kumhars, Koris and Barhais, all of whom number over 13,000 persons. None of these occupy a relatively conspicuous position in any way, with the possible exception of the Gadariyas, who are chiefly found in the Muzaffarnagar tahsil, where they follow their ancestral pursuit as herdsmen, taking advantage of the ample grazing-ground in the khadir lands of the Ganges.

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TAGAS

The Tagas, though not found in anything approaching the numbers attained in Meerut and Saharanpur, are still fairly numerous in this district, being represented at the last census by 10,448 persons. They claim to be a branch of Brahrmans and explain their position as analogous to that  of  the  Bhuimhars  of the eastern districts, but who they really are is a matter of conjecture. Sir H. M. Elliott believed the word Taga to be a corruption       of Takka, which he considered to be the name of a race akin to the Scythians.    Whether this be so  or not, it is quite incredible that the Tagas, who are only found in any numbers in the Meerut and Rohilkhand divisions, should have come from Gaur. in Bengal, although this is the tradition of the Tagas themselves. At any rate,  in   this  district they   undoubtedly came from the west and were pressed by the Jats and Gujars into  the   northern and eastern tracts. They are now a purely agricultural clan and are good and industrious cultivators, but not equal to the Jats.   Num­bers of them were converted to Islam in the time of Aurangzeb, and at the present time there are  7,510 Muhammadan   Tagas in this district.    There are several subdivisions of  the castes.    The Bachas or Pachauliyan Tagas have a compact settlement known as tbe Bahira, which is said to have originally consisted of twelve villages in eastern Shikarpur.    The  Bikwan Tagas, said to have come from   Bikanir, also  claim  to  have originally held twelve villages;   they  are  now   chiefly  found in    Pur   Chhapar.    The Gandran clan is  found in Budhana ; the Nimdan and Bhardwar in Charthawal; and    the   Rasdan  in Thana  Bhawan.    At   the present time half the Tagas are    found  in   the    Muzaffarnagar tahsil and most of the rest in Budhana.    They are very consider­able landholders, and at   the time   of Mr. Miller's  settlement were in possession of 53,497 acres, or about five per cent, of the whole district.    There are  no    large   landowners   among   them, their villages being all held in coparcenary tenure.

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Looking through the remainder of the  long list of castes that are represented in the population of the district, we find very few that claim attention, either on account of the   numbers in which they occur here or of their comparatively rarity elsewhere.    The Rawas 5,667 persons and are only found in any considerable proportion in Meerut  and   Bijnor  besides    this district. Thye are a cultivating class, but claim to be  Rajputs at least   in part and are said to have come to this part of the country in reign of Shahjahan. They are almost entirely   confined to the Jansath & Budhana tehsils, and seldom rise  above the grade of farm servants. Rors are another cultivating class found only in the Meerut division and chiefly confined to this district, Saharanpur and Bulandshahr. They numbered at the last census 754 persons only. They appear to have come from the Karnal district of the Punjab, but little is known of them. Their social status is identical with that of the Jats; they are excellent cultivators and are readily admitted as tenants. The Kambojs, both Hindus and Musalmans, numbered 1,196 persons, and are only found in greater numbers in Saharanpur. They are almost entirely con­fined to the Meerut and Rohilkhand divisions, and appear to have come from the west. They claim to be Rajputs, but their origin is unknown. They are chiefly cultivators; many of the Musalmaan members of the caste rose elsewhere at different times to positions of considerable eminence.

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CRIMINAL TRIBES

The criminal tribes are fairly well represented in this district. According to the census returns, they are everywhere somewhat rare, but, comparatively speaking, Muzaffarnagar con­tains a large proportion of the Sansias out of the total population of the provinces. The district almost monopolizes the Bawariyas or Bauriyas. In 1901, out of a total number of 839 Bauriyas in the whole of the United Provinces, no less than 726 were found in this district alone. Almost all the remainder belonged to Mirzapur, but these eastern Bauriyas are supposed to be entirely distinct. Owing to their being classed as criminal tribes their apparent numbers have decreased very greatly, for in 1891 there were no less than 2,729 Bauriyas in the provinces, of whom 1,107 resided in Muzaffarnagar. As happened, however, with many other similar castes at the time of the census, many Bauriyas were recorded under other names. From the police returns of the district it appears that there are 1,422 Bauriyas in the dis­trict, of whom 800 are males.

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BAURIYAS

These Bauriyas are very interesting people. About a century ago they are said to have lived in the jungles bordering on Gujarat, resorting to rapine and plunder for their support. So great was their daring and atrocity that travellers were compelled to hire some of them as guards on their journeys to ensure safety, while the villagers in the neighbourhood of their haunts were obliged to protect themselves by engaging some of them as watchmans. By degrees they formed themselves into regular bands of dacoits, and all the efforts of the authorities to bring the offenders to justice were not of much avail. Shortly after the Mutiny, they were dealt with under the Criminal Tribes Act, and attempts were made to induce them to settle down by free grants of land in pargana Bidauli. In this way many of the Bhuriyas took up their residence as cultivators in eleven villages of tjhat pargana, where they were subjected to strict rules of sur­veillance, and attempts were made to educate their children. Those measures were partially successful, and the strict guard on them was gradually relaxed. The Bauriyas, however, soon tired of this life and began to leave their home disguised as Goshains and Bairagis. In this manner they travelled freely about the country without suspicion and were enabled to commit burglaries with ease and impunity.

The experiment of settling the Bauriyas was initiated by Mr. Martin in 1863. Bidauli was selected as being an inaccessible place, and not too far from the villages whieh they had previously haunted in this and the Saharaapur district. The villages in which they were settled belonged to Saiyid Mahdi Hasan Khan, an Honorary Magistrate and a resident of the pargana. He failed, however, to keep in harmony with the police, and in 1860 the Bauriyas rose to open revolt, which was only checked by prompt action on the part of the local authorities. There were at first 1200  persons in the settlement but the numbers had dwindled in 1870 down to 704 souls. At the close of 1873 the colony was brought under the provisions of Act XXVII of 1871. 

Since that time the Bauriyas seem to have treated the settle­ment as their regular home, but no measures avail to stop them from wandering over the country periodically in pursuit of their hereditary calling. They are extremely skilful burglars and generally commit housebreaking with an iron tool resembling a jemmy. This they always conceal by burying it under the ground near their camp and only take it out when they start on their expeditious at night. Their usual practice, when they arrive at avillage, is to put up at the temple, to which they gain ready admission on account of their externally sacred appearance, or else in some adjoining grove. They then reconnoitre the villages under the pretext of begging. They note carefully tho children and women who wear jewels and mark out the better houses. They then bring their report to the leader, who goes and exam­ines the strategic position of each house. Their operations are always conducted by night, and their usual contrivance is to bore a small hole in the wall near the doorway so as to reach the bolt inside with their hands and thus to open the door. The stolen articles are made up in a bundle and entrusted to one of their members, who follows the gang at a distance on their way back to camp. As soon as they have got enough to satisfy them in one place, they leave the neighbourhood and travel very fast, sometimes covering twenty or thirty miles at a stretch. The stolen property is invariably buried at some spot near their camp or in any other place of security.

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The common language of the Bauriyas is a corrupted form of Gujarati, but they generally know the vernaculars of the country as well.   Besides this, they have a peculiar slang of their own and also commonly leave marks and signs on houses and roads to give information to those   coming   behind    them. Thus  a number of straight lines will denote the number of persons in the gang, and a curved line will point out the route taken.    In their Religion they are fairly orthodox Hindus, but are extremely superstitious. They never embark on any enterprise without first consulting the auspices, chiefly by means of grains of wheat   which they carry about their persons in a    small   tin   or   brass box.      The   method followed is to take out at random a small   quantity   of grain    or sandal seeds and then to count the    number of the  grains,   the omen being considered favourable or the reverse according as the number of seeds is odd or even.    This practice is   followed    both before engaging on an enterprise and also at the distribution of tho booty.   This is generally done on moonlight nights. The entire property is first divided into five shares, of which four are equally distributed among all the members who took part in the   commis­sion of the offence.    The fifth share   is    divided   into   four   parts which are allotted, one to the deity, another to the men that have become old or sick, the third to widows that arc supported by the group, and the fourth to the leader.    This method is practically identical with that followed by the Barwars in Gonda.

In addition to burglary, the  Bhuriyas   arc    extremely   expert coiners. In the  manufacture  of  spurious    rupees  they   employ white metal or Kasa, the moulds being cast in  a   special   kind  of clay which is  only   found  at   Ghaziabad   and    in   the   Meerut district. The milling is effected by circling a genuine coin round the edges of the manufactured rupee, while it is still hot from the mould.    They appear to be as skilful in uttering their   base   coin as they are in making them.     In the towns and villages a Bauriya will pose as a country simpleton and ask the aid    of any   chance person to enable   him   to  change    some   foreign coin,   such as   a bikanair  rupee,   and   will   at   the   same   time  ask to be shown a Government rupee to enable him to recognise   it    in   the   future. This ruse generally succeeds, and the real rupee is exchanged  for a counterfeit one which he returns  with   profuse   thanks    to   the unsuspecting  stranger.     They   have  many     other   methods   too numerous to mention, but it   is    thought  that  the   Bauriyas are largely responsible for the abnormal  circulation of base  coin on the various railways.

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MUSLMAAN SAIYIDS

Of the Musalman population in this district the most imptortant are the Saiyids, although in point of numbers they are greatly outclassed by many others.  They numbered in all 13,638 persons, and belong mainly to the Zaidi and Husaini  sub-divisions. The history of the Saiyids   of   Muzaffarnagar    is   in great   part    the history of the district, and a detailed account of the rise and  fall of the great Saiyid families will be given later.

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JULAHAS

The most numerous Musalmaan are the Julahas, who  in   1901 numbered   somewhat    over    29,000   persons.     They    are   found throughout the district, but predominate in the Jansath and   the Muzaffarnagar tahsils.    While chiefly pursuing   their   hereditary trade of weaving, they are constantly   found   as    cultivators   and are hard-working and industrious.    Some of   the    woven   fabrics in this district have acquired a certain reputation, and in  several Places blankets are made that find a ready sale in other    parts   of the country, and bear a good name.

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SHEIKHS

Next to Julhas come the Sheikhs, numbering 25,500 persons, of these, over two-fifths belong to the Siddiqi sub-division and the remainder are Qurreshis. The Sheikhs proper in this district are usually called Sheikhzadas, and are numerous in Pur, Kandhla and Thana Bhawan. During the Muslmaan rules the colonies of Sheikhs were setteled at Purkaji and at the cheif pargana centre in the west. They have sufficient favour with successive dynaties to obtain large grants of land free of revenue. These of late have been much reduced. There are two villages held revenue free in Khatauli by communites of Sheikhs but elsewhere there possessions are small. At the mutiny the Sheikh Qazi of Thana Bhawan occupied an influencial position and held many villages both revenue free and otherwise. Unfortunately he rebelled and let the rajputs of neighbourhood at the storming of the Tehsil at shamli. For this he forfieted his estates and his life.

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CONVERTED HINDUS

Following closely on Sheikhs are the converted rajputs who in 1901 numbered 23634 persons. Refernce has already been made to the clans from which they are cheifly drawn. They are still considerable land holders, owning at the time of the last settelment about 12000 acres cheifly in Kairana and Budhana tehsils. Among the other converted hindus the most prominents are the Jats, who at the last census numbered 10585 persons. They include among their numbers the great Marhal family of Karnal who reside at Jaroda in Pargana Muzaffarnagar in this district. Nawab Azamat Ali Khan Bahadur is ddescended from a Jat who embraced Islam during troublous time of Shah Alam reign, one of his dependents obtain a grant of the parganas of Muzaffarnagar, Charthwal & Soron, which he held at the conquest. For these the Marhals in 1806 received in exchange land beyond the Jumuna comprising the parganas of Karnal, but a very great part of their possession lies in this district. The original Jagir had been given by the Marathas to Mohamaddi Khan the great grand father of the present Nawab and his brother. The exchange was made by the British Government in return for services rendered by Mohamaddi Khan in the Maratha War. During  the mutiny Nawab Ahamad Ali Khan the father if Azmat Ali Khan loyally aided the Government and received large rewards in return.

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PATHANS

The Pathans numbered 12196 persons in 1901 they belong cheifly Ysuf Zai, Kakkar and Afridi sub division. In the tract between Hindon and Kali their is a cluster of villages known as the Bara Basti, still held by a colony of Pathans. Further west,   the   Kakar   Pathans   of   the  Bawan Basti hold a number of estates stretching   in an irregular   line   towards   the Saharanpur district, where they  are  said   to   have  many  more. Much more recent arrivals are   the   Africli   Afghans,   who   were settled in the north   of Thana   Bhawan    by  Aurangzeb   to  keep the  turbulent   Rajputs   in    order.    They   hold   a  considerable amount of land ia revenue-free tenure,   and   one   village,   Jalalabad, is said to have been conferred on them in reward for a bold and desperate flank attack on Nadir Shah's army   as    it   marched to the plunder of Dehli.   The Biluchis of this district   are   found in small   numbers.    They once   had  a   fine    property,   much  of which was revenue-free, in Baghra and further   west.    They also are said to have been settled    here  by   Aurangzeb, and claim    to have come from Mekran.     They   lost most   of their estates at an early date, and with the exception of a few well-to-do  members, who scarcely belong to the same social order  as   the   others,  are poor and distressed and bear an indifferent   reputation.    Mughals are fairly numerous in the district,    being   represented  by   2,155 persons.    They   are chiefly Turkomans, and belong to the same clan as that which settled in  the south-west    of Saharanpur, the parent village being Lakhnauti in Gangoh.  At the present time about half the Mughals are found in  the  Budhana   tahsil.    They are mostly in   reduced circumstances and have, as elsewhere, an aversion to personal labour.

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Other Musalman

The remaining Musalman clans call for little comment. They are chiefly Telis, who numbered 14,181, Qassabs 13,986, Jhojhas 8,281, Faqirs 10,666, Dhobis, Lohars, Garas, Bhishtis and Barhais. Most of these follow their special callings. The Garas and Jhojhas are industrious farmers, and especially the former, a hard-working, much-enduring class that is found largely in the Muzaffarnagar pargana. They sub-divide their fields with minuteness unknown amongst other castes, rendering the maintenance of maps and records difficult, and they pay higher rents than any other class could afford. The Jhojhas are more numerous in this district than anywhere else except in Sahilrau-pur. Both they and the Garas appear to be converts from Hinduism. They are entirely confined to the eastern half of the district and are most prevalent in the Junsath tahsil. The census returns show very little that is noticeable or interesting about the Musalmans in Muzaffarnagar. There is on caste peculiar to the district, nor is any important caste found here in exceptional numbers. It is perhaps of interest to record that the district possesses more Musalman Thatheras than any other part of the provinces. Also, out of a total number of 96 Lakheras, no less than 80 belong to this district, but this seems to be merely a matter of chance, in as much as elsewhere the same people would probably be recorded as Manihars or glass-blowers. Almost all the Muhammadan representatives of the caste known as Ramaiyas are found in this district. These people are pedlars and are chiefly confined to Bijnor, where, however, they are almost all Hindus. Properly speaking, the Ramaiyas are Sikhs, and how and why the Muzaffarnagar members of the clan became Musal­man is unknown. They support themselves by selling small hardware and begging.

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AGRICULTURISTS

Looking at the population of the district as a whole we find Agricul. that by far the greater portion is engaged, either directly or indirectly, with agriculture. This is only to be expected from the nature of the country, as there are no large towns nor markets of any great importance and almost all the trade is confined to the products of the soil. At the last census no less than 449,181 persons, or over 56 percent, of the total population, were actually engaged in pasture and agriculture or elsewhere dependent on persons so engaged. Previous enumerations give pratically the same result, and indeed there is no reason why there should have been any change, for with the development of the district general­ly there has been no disproportionate increase in trade or in any other direction than agriculture. Of the whole agricultural popu­lation 23,400 persons were occupied with the provision and tending of animals. The greater part of these are herdsmen and cattle-breeders, of whom very few have anything to do with agricul­ture proper. The number of people engaged in stock-breeding and dealing is proportionately very large, the figures only being surpassed in the adjoining districts of Saharanpur and Bijnor, and in Mirzapur. With regard to the rest of the agricultural popula­tion, it is noticeable that the number of tenants and land-holders with their dependents, amounts to no less than 433,953  persons over 96 per cent. of the whole agricultural population.    Of the tenants very nearly half have some rights of occupancy   and   the number of agricultural labourers is, comparatively speaking, verymall, so that it appears that by far the greater part of those who are engaged in husbandry have some portion of land actually in their possession. At the early enumerations previous to 1881 the labouring population was not added in with the agriculturists and hence we find that in 1853, for instance, the agricultural population amounted to 48.3 per cent, of the whole. In 1872 again the agricultural population was retutned at only 36.5 per cent, of the whole, but if we include labourers, the figure rises to about 60 per cent., which is probably normal.

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CONDITIONS OF THE TENANTS

The chief agricultural classes have already  been   enumerated above, and we may pass by without further  comment   those    who have not been already made the subject of special mention. As their general condition we may first quote a report made at the time of Mr. Cadell's revision in 1872:— " The agricul­tural population, as a rule, are in a flourishing condition and are improving year by year. The industrious Jat communities are especially well to day and no longer in debt; they are able to lay by money by which to add to their possessions. The only portion of the community for which there seems no hope is the great class comprising the old Muhammadan proprietary body: these are surely, if slowly, sinking in importance, their estates are over-mortgaged and must sooner or later corns to public sale. Year by year portions of these estates come to the hammer on account of debts of long standing, and no amount of loans or advance can retrieve them.

The following report also gives some account of  the condition of the agricultural labourers at the same and at earlier periods : — "This    class consists    principally    of     Chamars,   Sanis,   Kahdrs,J ulahas and Garas, with a few Jats.     The   nominal   rate    of pay is from one and-a-half to two annas a   day, but in reality  they receive an    equivalent  according   to    the   nature  of   their work. Thus reapers receive a sheaf of the crop that is being cut, which yields, or is supposed to yield five pakka seers of grain, besides the straw. The five seers are apparently understood to represent one kachcha bigha of work. Weaders, again, usually get two annas a day and sometimes work by contract. Ploughmen ordinarily get one-eighth of the produce of the land ploughed, four kachcha maunds going to the blacksmith and carpenter who made the plough. The services of the Chamar, Sani and Kahar women are extensively employed in weeding at the rate of one or one and-a-half anna a day; in plucking cotton or saffron, getting one-tenth, one-sixth, one-fifth, or even one-fourth of the former, and one-sixth, one-third, or one-half of the latter as the case may be; and in transplanting rice, receiving from two to two and-a-half seers a day. They are also sometimes employed in cutting chari at one and-a-half anna a day. The fluctuations in the rate of wages for plucking cotton are remarkable. The limit of remunera­tion to female labour is said to be two annas or the equivalent. Children of the same castes are employed as cowherds and for gathering fuel. It is difficult to ascertain the estimated value of their services: perhaps, thirteen or fourteen kachcha maunds of grain, a year, come nearest to the mark. As sugarcane is not sold by weight, labourers get so many sticks of cane with the green leaves on for cutting it. Obviously the system of payment in kind is as profitable to the day-labourer and the artisan as it is convenient to the cultivating proprietor, because a couple of annas or so, supposed to be the equivalent of the produce received in return for the services rendered, would not purchase the same amount of raw material in any of the district markets. This circumstance explains the possibility of maintaining existence amid poverty, to which the circulation of the current coinage is almost unknown. " In 1825 Mr. Cavendish wrote: —" There are no slaves, but a kind of hereditary connection appears to exist between the zamindars and the low-caste Chamar ploughmen employed by them. The latter cannot change masters, but they may become day-labourers or leave the village. The village servants are chiefly paid in kind, and all appear to be removable by the zamindars except the sweepers." In nothing has the levelling nature of our administration been shown more than in the emancipation of these village serfs, who are now free to move where they like and take service with any one they please. 20 years later, in 1890,   Mr.   Miller   wrote :—" A  light-cut  a secure tenure, a fertile soil, a great rise in the price of the agricultural produce, and  the construction, of  numerous improvements by Government agency have combined to place the bulk of the agricultural populatiflon in a position of considerable   comfort nad independance. The villages both of the proprietary communities and the occupancy tenants of  the  industrious    classes give evidence of a standard of living that is for this country fairly high; and the people themselves roccognise their advantages, and shrink from a descent to the level of the Purbiyas or inhabitants of more east­erly districts. The wealth of the district, however, is very widely distributed ; there are few opulent individuals, and few signs of affluence. Even the larger landlords make little display, and in the villages if a masoinry house is found, the chances are that it, belongs to some successful moneylender. The agricultural labourer has, I believe, a shared in the general improvement; the canals and the other public works of the district maintain a suffi­cient demand for labour-to keep wages up; and the difficulty and expense of procuring labourers is a frequent subject of complaint amongst the well-to-do cultivators."It must not be supposed, however, that the moderate standard of comfort that has been reached is easily maintained. It de­pends on uninterrupted bard work, and where villages belong to idler classes, the standaird of living is lower, and people and houses have a more neglected and poverty-stricken appearance. The lightness or severitity of the assessment has nothing to do with this difference; even the entire remission of the revenue would fail to secure the prosperity of an idle community. There is no revenue-free villagge in the district that would compare in general appearance of well-doing with the Jat village of Kakra that   has always borne    an exceptionally heavy assessment ; and mafidaar complain as bitterly of thier cesses   and water-rates as other people  do   of their   assessments.     For  tenants-at-will  the struggle is daily  gettfing harder,    as rents   are  forced  up  by competition, but tenantis-at-will rarley form a   large part of any community.

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INDEBTNESS

On the great questtion of indebtedness no information of value can be gathered except by much  more   searching investigation than  the  casual   inquiries   which   were    all   at   the   time  of the Settlement Officers allowed to be made.    There is no doubt that the sale of small holdings to satisfy creditors is very frequent in this district, and that mortgages are numerous :  but  my   opinion is  that  the   people are inclined to exaggerate the extent of their iucumbrances.     The industrious classes   are becoming   aware    of the  danger  of indebtedness,   and   the  number of them who are seriously involved is, I believe, much less than a cursory    inquiry from   the   people would suggest.    In   examining the registers of mutations I have often found that transactions affecting the land were   altogether   insignificant in number and importance.    The old condition of   things    under   which    the   farmer   carried on all his transactions through the banker of his own or a neigh­bouring    village, in whose books   he   would    naturally always be a debtor, is passing away; and cultivators are constantly to be found driving   their    own   grain  from  distant   villages   to Muzaffarnagar   itself to  get  the   full   benefit of the host price obtainable.    The growth of this practice   indicates an independ­ence of the   local banker that is a hopeful sign of the future. There will   always be   borrowers in    the   world, but the   rural population    are much   less   likely to get into debt, when they no longer require the intervention of a banker on   every   occasion when money is to be made or spent.

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TENANTS HOLDINGS

At the time of the last settlement, out of a total area of 701,431 acres shown as cultivated, 148,203 acres were recorded as sir, 72,184 acres as cultivated by the proprietors themselves, 10,765 acres by ex-proprietary tenants, 216,193 acres by occupancy tenants, 248,417 acres by tenants-at-will, while 56,669 acres were held rent-free. In other words, very nearly one-third of the whole cultivated area was in the hands of the proprietors them­selves, almost the same amount by protected tenants and rather over one-third by tenants-at-will. As a very large proportion of the land shown as held by tenants-at-will was really in the hands of the sharers or of occupancy tenants in addition to their other holdings, the Settlement Officer appears justified in stating that considerably over two-thirds of the cultivated area of the district was in the hands of cultivators whose tenure protected them wholly or in part from a capricious enhancement of rent and against eviction at the Throntons settlements a number of villages were treated as sub-proprietary communities, and the settlement were made with the cultivators who had to pay an assignment of eighteen per cent, on the revenue to the land­lord. The landlord's rights in such cases were expressly con­fined to the receipt of his allowance; he had no right of action against individual defaulters if the community made good any deficiency, and he was carefully shut out from any interference in the management. Unfortunately for themselves the cultiva­tors were described as tenants in the settlement papers, and at the next settlement the Collector, without much inquiry, reduced them to the position of ordinary occupancy tenants and made the settlement with the proprietor. In 1900, ten years later, it was observed that the number of cultivating proprietors had increased by over 8,000 persons, but at the same time the land held by them had barely increased at all, the result being that the average area of the holdings under this head was reduced from 5-1/4 to 4-1/4 acres. The amount of land held by cultivators with right of occupancy had actually in­creased to a slight extent, while the average area held by each remained as before, 4-1/4 acres. Tenants-at-will showed a decided increase, the number rising by nearly 12,000 persons, but the area thus held had decreased, the average falling from 4-1/4 to somewhat over 3-1/4 acres per tenant. Rights of occupancy are more commonly held in the Jansath and Muzaffarnagar tahsils than elsewhere. Occupancy tenants are comparatively most scarce Jhinhana and in the rest of the Kairana tahsil, as in this part of the district almost the whole of the land is held by tenants-at-will. They are very numerous, however, in all the Parganas of Jansath, and especially Khatauli. In the Muzaffarnagar pargana the land is almost equally divided between occupancy tenants and tenants-at-will, while the same state of things occurs in Baghra and Charthawal. The cultivating proprietors at the present time are most numerous in Kandhla, Charthawal, Shikarpur, Kairana and Baghra. In the eastern half of the district they are comparatively scarce, the number being smallest in Jauli Jansath. Bhuma Sambalhera and Bhukar Heri. The growth of occupancy rights is no where very marked, and is only to be found in a few parganas, such as Kandhla, Thana Bhawan, Gordhanpur, Bidauli and Khatauli. There has been no marked change of late years in the amonnt of land held by the proprietors themselves, although their num­bers have increased. They have extended their possessions chiefly in Kandhla, Budhana, Shikarpur and Charthawal, but in some cases there has been a decided falling off, notably in Shamli, Baghra, Muzaffarnagar and Bhukarheri.

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OCCUPANCY RIGHTS

Comparing the present, figures with those of 1840, we find an enormous change in the holdings of the district generally. At that lime only 47,935 acres were in the possession of the proprie­tors themselves, and occupancy tenants cultivated 41,554 acres were cultivated by occupancy tenants, the whole of the remainder being in the hands of tenants-at-will. In 1860 occupancy rights were held in 121,713 acres, and proprietors themselves held 52,501 acres. These figures are a sufficient illustration of the rapid growth of occu­pancy rights during the last fifty years. At the same time these rights have been obtained in the face of constant opposition on the part of the landlords, although such opposition is less keen in the western tracts where tenants are comparatively scarce. There has been a large increase of occupancy rights in the confiscated villages, where the new master was not sufficiently powerful to prevent the attainment of such rights by the tenants. The policy of the landlords was noticed by the Collector in 1865 shortly after the commencement of the settlement, and subsequent reports show how keen was the struggle as occupancy rights increased in value with the rise in prices and rents. Mr. Miller writes: "The landlords themselves make no secret of their feelings; the necessity of preventing the acquisition of occupancy rights is accepted by them as an additional burden imposed on land ownership by Government. They frankly state their view when discussing the expenditure that the management of land involves, and the feeling is nowhere stronger than among petty cultivating proprietors, who indeed have often-serious cause for regretting that their lands have passed into the grasp of irremov­able tenants. The landlords feeling is perfectly reasonable from their own point of view. In times of depression it may be to a landlord's advantage that his tenants have a stable tenure, but he can secure this end by giving long leases.     When   rents    are rising every occupancy holding-means a diminution in the value of an estate and it is unreasonable as well as   useless   to    expect landlords   to   submit   cheerfully   to the depreciation of their property. The extremes to  which   they   carry   their  opposition the narrowness of the views that influence them; but I do not believe that the ability to take a more comprehensive and liberal survey of the case would have any effect in softening their opposition. At the same time Mr. Miller considered that those in the enjoyment  of such rights fully deserve them, since competition had grown so acute that the absence of such rights would bring about a much lower standard of living.  The objections include  antagonism between  the  landlord  and  tenants, an increase of litigation, a falling off in permanent  improvements,  and   the  danger of subletting,  a  practice    which,    though     uncommon  in  the district generally,   is  sometimes  followed and especially by the saiyids.

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RENTS

At the last settlement  the average rental paid by tenants at-will  throughout   the  district was   Rs. 5-12-1  per acre;  in case  of ex-proprietary  tenants it was as much as Rs. 6-3-3 ; and for occupancy tenants Rs. 3-14-7.    These rents of course   varied  largely    in   different   parts   of the    district.    In   the  Jansath tahsil tenants-at-will pay on an average of Rs. 12-6-9; in Budhana Rs.   7-3-5; in     Muzaffarnagar     Rs.   5-12-4; and  in  Kairana Rs.  5-0-10.    However     these    figures   can    only  be   considered approximate, as they are based on the calculations of the Settle­ment  Officer.    At    the  present  time,   out  of  a   total  of  1,062 villages,  only 222  are  to  be found  in which cash rents prevail. On the other hand, rents in kind prevail in only  61    villages, while  in  all   the  remainder    both  cash and kind rents are to be found.    There is a constant   tendency towards  the increase in the cash paying  area and  the disappearance of rents   in   kind. The number of cultivators paving cash rents had increased from 10647 in 1860 to 29802 in 1800 and at the present time to 35934. In 1860 as many as 20,571 cultivators paid kind rents as against 9882 in 1901. This falling off is chiefly due to the commutation of rents at the time of the last settlement and to the subsequent appreciation of the system of paying fixed amounts in cash. At the present time, the area in which rents are wholly paid in kind lies either in the khadir portions of Pur Chhapar, Bhukarheri and Bhuma Sambalhera, or in the low lying tract of Jauli Jansath, where both cultivation and the outturn of the crops are uncertain and depend entirely on seasonable and mo­derate rains.

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The rents in this district may be divided into three classes— zabti, batai and tashkhis.  The first is where cash   is paid    for certain crops   at rates varying according to their nature, such as sugarcane, cotton and maize.    Batai is where the rent is taken in kind by actual division of the produce; where an appraise­ment of the value is made it is    usually termed kankut.  The landowner's share of the produce is usually two-fifths, though in bad villages it   falls as low as one-third    these rates prevail chiefly in bhaiyachara villages, and formerly was prevalent throughout the whole district.  Tashkhis is where the land is let out to cultivators, who often belong to other villages, at so much per bigha, irrespective of the crops sown, but divided into irrigated and dry.  For this purpose the kachha bigha, equival­ent in this district to one-sixth of an acre, is generally employed, and the rate varies according to the nature of the soil.

That   there has been a considerable rise in rents during the past forty years is undoubted, but since formerly cash rents  were comparatively  uncommon,    it  is   almost    impossible to calculate exactly how great this rise has been.    The only method of deter­mining the rise is to compare the rent-rates  taken at  the last settlement with those at previous assessments.    Mr. Cadell made special inquiries in 1868 into the rents of certain parganas, and found  that   in Kandhla  and    Shamli  they  were very high, the average for good irrigated land being nearly Rs. 8 per acre.   The rates assumed by Mr.   Miller go as high as Rs. 10, but he adds that  much  higher   rates  are  frequently found; in one village a considerable area was paying Rs. 15 per acre.    In    Budhana   the average for good soil appaars to have been often more  than   Rs. 6-12-0   per  acre,  whereas  in  1890  it ranges from Rs. 7-2-0 to Rs.  9-6-0.    In    the  eastern   tracts the   increase in rents was as­sumed to be from 33 to 40 per cent,; in Shikiirpur  and Budhana about 50 percent; and in Kandhla and Shamli no more than 2o or 30 per cent.    The rise has continued since  the  settlement.It is greater  than  the rise in prices, and seems to be due to the competition following on the certainty which irrigation   gives   of fair   return   and  to the improvement in communications.    Be­sides this, the great increase of population   has   encouraged com­petition, and frequently we find that ninny classes in place of industrial pursuits have adopted agriculture.    In    the   north­west of the district, however, there has been no great rise, rents being there still regulated by custom as much as by   competition, and it appears that the latter will only act freely   when  a   large portion of the waste, is brought under the plough.

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OCCUPATIONS

Examining   the   rest    of  the  population    in   the   light of the information provided in the Census Report of 1901, we find it to be divided into six great classes.    The first of these comprise  all Government servants  and their  dependents.     These amount to 8,720 persons, of whom 115 were partially depeudent on agricul­ture.    Almost all of these are employed in the   administration of the district, the number comprising such  persons   as  policemen, patwuris    and   the   like.     The second   class numbered with their dependents 87,022 persons engaged in   personal  services, a   large number of them being sweepers, water-carriers and other domestic servants.     The professional classes numbered 24,505   persons,    of whom a small proportion were partly dependent on   agriculture. The   greater   part    of   these belonged to the learned and artistic professions,  most   of    them   being   connected    with   religion   in the   character    of   family   priests   and   the   like,  and   the    rest being   chiefly   engaged    in    education,   medicine   and law.    The unskilled  labourers   are    put   into   a    class   by   themselves, and nutnbeml with tluir dependents   99,178  persons.    The    bulk   of these arc engaged in    general   labour  of  no specific   description, and call for no further remark.    The number of persons   with no actual occupation was 22,920. These include pensioners, prisoners and beggars, together with a small number of persons  whose   in­come is derived from other property than   land.     The   remainder comprise   the    industrial   class, us apart from agriculture.    They into two heads, the occupation of one consisting in the preparation and supply  of material substances,  and  the  latter  being engaged in commerce, transport and storage. Under the lust of these we find 168,123 persons, of whom 72,209 were actual workers, a much smaller number than in the other districts of the upper Duab. The reason of this is that there are no manufactures of any great importance in the district, the bulk of the population falling under this head being engaged in the supply of articles of food, such as grain-dealers, flour-grioders, butchers and green­grocers. None of the actual industries call for any special mention, with the exception of the manufacture of blankets and other woollen goods, in which respect Muzaffarnagar stands first among the districts of the division. Cotton-weaving is followed by a large number of persons, but not to the extent that we find in Meerut and Saharanpur. Metal work occupies a very insignifi­cant position in this district, and stoneware and wool work arc equally unimportant. Generally speaking, the manufactures are merely such as are needed to supply the ordinary Wants of an agricultural community. Under the head of commerce, transport and storage we find 22,141 persons,but nearly two-thirds of these are dependents of the actual workers. This class includes bank­ers, money-lenders, general-dealers and shop-keepers on the one hand, and on the other the railway staff, cart-owners, pack-car­riers, porters and boatmen.

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RELIGIOUS SECTS

Regarding the religion of the people generally we have already referred to the Hindus and Musamaans, who together form the great bulk of the population. A large majority of the Musalmans are Sunnis, but this district possess a larger number of Shias than any other districts of the provinces with the exception of Lucknow. This_fact is merely due to the influense of thr Barha Saiyids, who are all followers of the Shia sect. The Hindu sect; call for little remark. The great majority of the Hindu popula­tion belong to no particular sect. The Saivites and Vaishnavites are approximately equal in number, but between them do not amount to more than one-sixth of the whole Hindu population. Among the latter there is a large number of Bishnois, but none of the other particular sects are met with to any

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LOCAL DEITIES

PIYARA JI

Besides the general beliefs which are  common    to  almost   all  Hindus, the lower classes have their favourite saints to whom their active devotion is mainly made. One of the most favourite is Piyara Ji, whose temple is at Ram dewa, the parent of the Dapa Gujaras, midway between Nakaur and Ambahta in Saharanpur. His grandfather, Ramji Padarath,  Badfarosh,  was  born  in   1488 A.D. at Durganpur,   in    pargaua  Budhana, in this district, and disappeared immediately after  his   birth.     Six   days  afterwards reappeared,   much    to  his  mother's delight, who sacrificed to  the gods in  thanksgiving.    As he grew up he was  appointed    to ratch the cattle of his father, and one day allowed them to stray into  the  field of a   Rajput, where they did much damage to the corn.    The Rajput complained, but when the authorities came to make a local inquiry, the field was found intact, and  the  people declared that a miracle had been performed.    The youth had sense enough   to make the    most   of   this  incident  and soon gathered around him a band of disciples.    His reputation increased and he married  into the   wealthy family of Bhawani Das, Badfarosh, of Khudi-Shikarpur.     The fruit of this union was   Raghunath,   who married into  a   family at, Soron and had a son, Piyara  Ji.     The saintly  fame  of  Piyara    Ji   reached Garhwal,  and   the   Raja of Srinagar gave him five village. About this time a quarrel broke out between the Brahmans and Gujars of Sadrpur, and the latter murdered the priest, but in revenge the ghosts of  the  murdered men  tormented the Gujars,   who  prayed  for  the  assistance  of Piyara Ji. He, nothing loth, granted their request and even went further, for he declared that Sadrpur belonged to him in a former birth, and  the  discovery  of a well dug by him proved the correctness  of the assertion   to  every one's satisfaction. Piyara Ji then  took   possession    of the   village  and  changed  its name to Andeva, of which   Ramdewa is the modern rendering.    He died there and    was   buried in the village.    Prayers and offerings are made at his shrine on the sixth of the dark half of Chait.   Piyara succeeded by his son, Lai Ji, who died without issue, and zamindars elected one of his disciples, Har Gobind, to succeed him, and since   then    the  appointment   lies in the hands of the descendants of Madari, brother of Piyara Ji, and in the hands  of of the descendants of the brothers of the widow of Lal Ji. The affairs of the shrine are managed by Bairagis, who own thirds of the village, while one-third remains in the possession of Payara Ji descendants. The saint’s followers are Vaishnavas and wear black neckleces.

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PULAMDEH DEVI

Another Gujar shrine at Bilaspur, to the south-east of Lakhnauti, is attended by numerous pilgrims from this and the neighbouring districts in the month of Asarh. Mr. Williams gives the following account of its origin: —" About three hundred years ago, Amrao, Gujar, a zamindar of Bilaspur, suddenly took to shaking his head about and exclaiming: —' I am Devi Pulamdeh. Erect a temple to me. Rati, Brahman, will be my priest; he and his descendants are to receive all offerings made to me.' The inspired voice was obeyed without question. About half a century ago, Sahib Mall, a pious Mabajan of Bidauli, built a well near the temple for the convenience of worshippers. "

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GOGA PIR

Goga Pir is worshipped throughout the   upper  Duab by both    Goga Hindus   and   Musalmans.     Large   assemblies are    held    in his honour at the Guga-Kathal fair in Guru Rdm Rai's Thakurdwara in Dehra, at the  Guguhal   fair  at   Manikmau near Saharanpur, and at the Suraj   Kund  in  Meerut and  Niloha  in  the   Meerut district.    These assemblies are called chhariyan from the   stand­ards borne by the pilgrims.    On the ninth day of the new  moon of Bhadon the standards are raised and are  carried  about whilst the fair lasts, which is usually two days.    The tomb of the saint is 20 miles beyond   Dadrera   and  200 miles  to  the  south-west of Hissar.    He is also  called  Zahar  Pir,  and  in  Meerut  Zahir Diwan.  The local tradition is that Goga was the son  of a Chauhan Rajput Raja called Vacha, or, as  some say, Jewar, whose wife, Bachal, a Tuarin, after she had been long barren, bore  to him a son through the kind intercession of Gorakhndth.   His territory extended from Hansi to the Ghara or Satlaj, and  his  capital was at Mehra on that   river.     Another  legend  makes him Raja   of Bikanir.    In a quarrel about  land he killed his   two  brothers, and, grieved at their fate, prayed that the earth might  open and swallow him, but a voice from heaven declared that he   would not be buried alive, horse and all, unless be repeated  the  Musalman confession of faith.    He appears to have  done  so, on  which the earth opened  and he    leaped  into  the  chasm.    Another legend makes  his  opponents  not only  his  brothers,    but his  relative Prithvi Raja of Delhi.    He conquered all   these with   the aid of Ratan Haji, who  gave   Goga   a  javelin   which  shot  hither and thither through the air of itself and  destroyed all obstacles.    Prihiraj was killed in the fray, and in remorse for   his  crime  Goga buried himself alive.    Goga’s horse is celebrated under the name Javadia. It is said that the father of Goga received two grains of barley from his guardian deity, one of which he   gave  to his wife, who bore him Goga, and another to his marc,   who   brought forth the steed Javadia..  Some  say   the    barley-corns   were given by Goga to his  own  wife and  stud-horse.    Sir H. M. Elliot thinks that  there  is some reason    to   suppose   that    Goga " must have contended  with   the   earlier   Ghaznavidc monarchs,  for  several favourite ballads relate how he fell  with    his  forty-five sons and sixty nephews opposing tho great    Mahmud   on   the    banks of the Ghara. "    The Agarwala Banias are  specially    devoted  to Goga,and on his feast-day the Bhangis carry round the sacred  symbols of the Pir and   levy    contributions.    Cunningham  says   that int he lower Himalayas of   the    Panjab   there  are many  shrines to Goga.     There the legend runs that    Goga   was   chief  of Ghazni, and fought with his brothers Arjuri and   Surjan.    " He was slain by them, but a rock opened, and Goga again sprang  forth,  armed and mounted.     Another account makes him lord of Dard-Darehram the wastes of Rajwara. "   Tod writes :—" Goga,  Chauhan, was the son of Vacha Rraja, a name   of some    celebrity.    He  held the whole of Jangal-des,    or   the   forest    lands   from   the  Satlaj  to Hariana; his capital,   called   Mehera    or  Goga-ka-Mairi,   was on the  Satlaj.   In defending this   he fell    with   forty-five  sons and sixty nephews ; and as it   occurred   on  Sunday,   the    ninth of the month, that day is held scared to the manis of Goga by the 36 classes   throughout    Rajputana,    but   specially    in   the desert a portion of which,   is   yet    called   Gogadeo-ka-thal.    Even his steed Javadia  has   been    immortalized   and     has   become   a favourite name   for   a    war-horsee   throughout   Rajputana,    whose mighty men swear by   the  saka   of   Goga,   who   maintained    the Rajput fame when Mahmud crossed the Satlaj.

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BABA KALU

Bbab Kalu is another of the local saints held   in   great    reverence by low caste   man  as   Chaimirs,   Kahars,   Kumhars,  Sainis, Ghararyas and Mehras.    Jats are also said to do him honour.    The origin of the worship of  this saint is  thus    described  by Mr.Williams – the fairies were wafting soloman  through  the air upon bis throne.   The monarch, looking down,   chanced    to see a young Kahar girl heaping up manure on   a  dung-hill.     The sight disgusted him so much that he affected to   stop   his  nose   and ex­claimed, '  Who in the   world could   marry     such  a   dirty    ugly little girl.'    Soon after, however, desiring to take a  bath, he had his throne laid down  by  the  edge  of  a  stream.     He undressed and inadvertently left  his   magic ring   near  his  clothes   on the bank.    Scarcely had he plunged   in   than  a fish,  jumping out of the   water, swallowed   the  talisman.     The  fairies at   once  flew away with the throne, for   the    charm   of   the  ring   was    broken. The king remained shivering behind the great distress.    He event­ually made a virtue of necessity and took refuge   in   an adjacent village,   where he    was  hospitably   received in the house of the very girl he had seen    gathering   dung.   One  day    the   maiden's mother   remarKed   to    her   husband—'   You     should    marry our daughter to a    man   like  our   guest. '    This she   repeated thrice. The mystical number worked, and Solomon   said, '   Marry   her to me, for you have spoken three times.'    The marriage was   accord­ingly celebrated and consumated,   the    young  couple   living in, a separate abode,     tome time after, the king's fiither-in law  went, to drag the river with a net, and, catching among others, the fish that had swallowed the magic ring, carried  home   his prize.    The fish being a large one, his wife told him to give it to his daughter and keep the rest.    When the girl cut it open, she discovered the ring and gave the ornament to her husband, saying, 'It is a beauti­ful thing and worthy of you.'  When the evening meal   was over, the king put  the  talisman on    his  finger : the  fairies appeared bringing in the throne ; he seated himself  upon it,  and vanished, never to return.    His disconsolate wife was pregnant, and in due course brought forth a child,— Baba Kalu. A stick decorated with peacock's feathers represents the holy personage.  To   this  fetish trifling offerings are made ; many other such superstitions, not to speak of ghost and demon-worship, prevail.    They   prove  Hindu­ism    proper    to be a   mere   name.    Brahmanism   is something quite above the comprehension of the  masses,    whose   degraded religious condition presents only one hopeful aspect.    The greatest obstacle to   the  propagation    of a  true faith  is   a creed which though false, still seems   to meet wants  satisfied    by  one  more pure. But the paganism   I  have just  described   barely   rises above the level   of fetishism : it  is   thus  hard   to    understand why the mind  of the  nominal   Hindu     should    be  invincibly prejudiced  against the   reception  of a higher form of religion and as a matter of fact, Muhammadanism  has  been  extensively accepted. "

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FAIRS

There is larger number of religious  fairs held  at different places in  this district  by   both  Hindus and Musalmans. The Chariyan fairs referred  to above are held at Muzaffarnagar. Charthwal, Pur, Thana Bhawan,  Kairana, Bhukarheri,  Belra, Khatauli and several   other places,  the  largest being  that at Khatauli.     The chief fairs in the district are those  held in kartik and Jeth at Ramra on the Jumna, a village close to Kairana, where some  6.000    persons   assemble on each occasion.    The Khatauli fair is held in Bhadon and is attended by some 5,000 villagers.   Besides these,  the Ramlilla at Muzaffarnagar alone has an approximate average attendance  of more  than 3,000 per­sons.   Musalman fairs  are   held  at  the   Chehlum   and  at   the Moharram at Jansath,  Jauli,  Sambalhera, Kawal  and several oiher places in the case of the  district, but none of them are of any great importance.    A list of all the fairs held in the district is given in the appendix.

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Christianity

Christianity has not spread in this district to the same extent that we find in Meerut, Bulandshahr, Sahdranpur and elsewhere. The total number of Christians at the last census was  1,402: and of these 1,259  were natives.    In   1889 there  were only eight native Christians in the district, and in 1891   the  figure had only risen to 81 persons.    It thus appears   that the   development has been very rapid, but that it has   not    been  as  extensive  as elsewhere. The increase in  Christianity is  almost  entirely  due to the efforts of the   American Episcopal   Methodist Mission, but in this district there is only one Branch  at  Muzaffarnagar itself. Of the  Christian population in 1901   137    were Europeans and Euroasians.     Of these, 85 belong to  the Church of England, 34 were Roman Catholics, eight Presbyterians and five Methodist. Of the native Christians no less than 1,116  were Methodist, while 88  were Presbyterians and eighteen  Roman Catholics, from which it appears that the Roman Catholic Mission at Sardhana does not extend its operations into this district to any appreciable degree.

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THE ARYA SAMAJ

The Arya Samaj has made a considerable progress in Muzaffarnagar, the number of its followers being 3,122 in 1901. This represents an increase of 2,190 persons during the past ten years, but this number is much smaller than in the southern districts of the Duab and Bijnor.    The Aryas chiefly belong to the Jat, Taga, Rajput and Bania castes, but besides these very many other castes, such as Kahars, Brahmans, Barhais and Gujars, are represented, although in much   smaller numbers, which bears out the general observation that the Samaj is mainly recruited from the upper classes of Hindus.

With regard to religion generally we may again quote Mr. Miller: " The thoughts of the great mass of the people are turned to agriculture from their earliest days, and they have little to spare for other pursuits or amusements.    Even the children playing   in  the  sand  amuse   themselves   by   making models of fields with boundaries, irrigation channels and water-lifts.    This   long-lasting and intense  devotion  to their every­day  work  probably accounts for the comparatively small extent to which religion seems to affect their daily life.   Of superstition there is of course a good deal: a certain attention must be shown to the shrines of the Bhumiya or their local deity,  the small-pox goddess must be propitiated,   the regulations  of sacred groves observed, and altars built to appease restless spirits that return to afflicit the  living.     But  the men of better classes appear to regard all this with a  certain  contempt.     They  have a deeply religious sense of the existence of one omnipotent deity that often finds solemn  expression  in their conversation, but their religion requires  neither creeds nor    ceremonies.     Temples are rarely-built by the Jats, and  the family priest is not always  treated with   the  reverence he expects.    It is possible that the spread of Muhammadanism and the conversion of numbers   of   the    leading Hindu   castes have led to  the discarding of the more idolatrous forms of worship, to the weakening of the influence of tho   Br£h-mans  and  to  the  spread of a  liberal    and somewhat agnostic spirit in religious (natters. The lower forms of fetish worship are entirely absent, the vermilion coloured stones, so common further south, are hardly ever seen, images of hanuman and ganesh are conspicuous by their absence, the builders of temples are usually Jains or Banias, rarely agriculturists.”

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CUSTOMS

          The customs of the people in this district call for no special comment. The Panchayat system is still in full force, and especially among the lower and less educated castes, such as Gujars,Jats, Dhobis,   Nais,    Telis,   Kahiirs, Barhais,   Sanis and  others. The parties usually take an oath on a lota filled with salt to abide by any decision that may be arrived  at.     The  culprit is  always fined   and  the  fine   generally   takes    the shape of a feast to the assembled brethren who have been summoned to hear his defence. Chaudhris are usually elected by a vote of the trade or guild and perform the same duties as in other districts.    There   is  nothing peculiar in the dress or food of the people.     The daily fare of the lower classes amounts to a mere subsistence allowance, and  maize, juar and barley are ordinarily consumed.    The wealthier classes eat wheat, rice, dal and mash.

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THE BUILDING AND HOUSES

With the exception of some  mosques  of the Rohilla-Pathan period, two at Ghausgarh and  one at  Morna,    all   of which  are graceful and picturesque structures,  a few Saiyid tombs at Majhera and  the  once  magnificent    Saiyid   mansions  at Jansatb, Miranpur   and  Kaithaura,   now  fast   falling     into  decay,    the architecture of the district presents nothing remarkable.     There is not a single Hindu   temple worthy of note, and the peasantry occupy the ordinary over-crowded mud huts  with  thatched    roofs to   the whole Gangetic plain.    Marble and sandstone of the very best quality, wrought by skilful workmen   and  adorned most,   exquisite    fretwork, entered extensively into the composition of the Saiyid   architecture,   but    the   damage   to  its  monuments commenced    by    Sikhs  and   Mahrattas,   and    nearly completed by the poverty and indifference of the present Saiyid owners, has left little but a few suggestive memorials of the past. The statistics of the 1901 census showed that there were average 139876 houses in the districts, of which 21150 were in towns. This gives an  average for the whole district of eighty four houses to the square mile, and rather more than six persons to each house. In 1872 the number of houses was 93 to the square mile with an average of 4.4  inhabitants to each house, but the number of separate enclosures was only 38 to the square mile, which gives two or three houses to each separate enclosure.

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LANGUAGE

The language of the district is the ordinary form of western Hindi known as Hindostani, which prevails in Meerut, Saharanpur and the north of Rohilkhand. The ordinary speech of the villagers includes an unusual number of Persian and Arabic words, although their form is commonly so changed and corrupted that the result is often most confusing. For instance, a Chamar watching a corn field will speak of his work as "-mahaujat, which is his idea of the pronunciation of " Muhafizat." Similarly, a vil­lager speaking of the death of his neighbour will say that he has " kal kar diya," and it takes some thought to trace the expression to its true source and to identify it with " intiqai." Generally, the inhabitants of the uplands speak this form or Urdu, while in the khadir a purer form of Hindi is used.

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Proprietary tenures

With regard to the proprietary body we find that the  tenures   which prevail most throughout the district are the various forms of pattidari.      These   tenures   are divided into  three  classes, perfect and imperfect pattidari and   bhaiyachara,  and  are  thus defined.     Where  the shares are known as so many portions of a bigha and are so recorded in  the  proprietary   register,    and   the responsibility  of all the sharers for the general liabilities conti­nues, the tenure is called   imperfect  pattidari.     Here,   although the   responsibility remains   intact, the accounts of the pattis arereally kept sepirate, and as soon as the common land  is   dividedthe  tenure becomes perfect  pattidari.     In  process  of time the land  becomes  minutely    subdivided  and  the   divisions   of the village   lose the character of pattis, and the land actually in each man's possession becomes the measure  of his   rights,  and   hence arise the bhaiyachara tenures that are so numerous in this district. Up to the settlement   of  1860  a  kind  of taluqdari tenure existed in 39 villages held by communities possessing  occupancy rights and known as the shara-naqdi villages.        

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At Thornton's settlement a certain fixed rate was laid down in the record-of-rights of these villages, and as long as this was paid the proprietor was entitled only to a deduction, usually amounting to eighteen per cent, as malikana. The consequence of this was that some castes, like Luchaira, the proprietors were   not able to enter their villages, the entire management being in the hands of the cultivators, who dug Wells, planted groves, and    exercised all rights, whilst in others, like Mustafabad, the proprietors were able to compel the cultivators to resign their  privileges,    The   Board of Revenue abolished these rights at the settlement in 1863, substi­tuting in lieu of them money rents for the cultivators,  who have thus  been  reduced to the position of ordinary occupancy tenants. The change, however, is in some measure to be regretted, for the village  communities    having the inducement which perfect secur­ity during the term of settlement afforded, did much  to improve their estates, and brought them quite up to the standard of those villages in which the community were able to   purchase  the pro­prietary rights from the Saiyid owners, and little, if at all, behind those estates possessed by bhaiyachara communities in the western parganas.    "Indeed," writes Mr. Cadell, "it seems strange that an arrangement which for more than  twenty years  worked so admirably  should have been  set   aside  without any sufficient investigation."

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In 1860 the villages of the district were  divided into  1,061 mahals,  of which 497 were held in bhaiyachara, 246 in pattidari and 258 in zamindari tenure. . During the currency of the settle­ment from 1860 to 1890 the number of mahals greatly increased, and  the number assessed   by Mr. Miller was 2,992.    Partitions were most frequent in Budhana, where the number of mahals was more than quadrupled since I860.     This  was  sometimes  due  to the  Banias    who had acquired a share and insisted on partition, out generally it arose from a dispute  about   the  common land. The  Jats are specially prone to make a free use of the power of partition, owing to their general wish to be  independent of the authority of the lambardar, and this tendency is still as strong as ever. In 1890 the number of zamindari   mahals had   increased to 1347  of  which 789  were held in joint zamindari.    Bhaiyachara mahals numbered 1,006 and pattidari 579.

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LAND OWNERS

The chief landowning classes in the district are Jats,  Saiyids,Gujars, Rujpuls, Tagas, Sheikhs and the Marhal family of Karnal.    The Jats hold nearly one-fifth of the whole area, and chiefly found in the Kairana and  Budhana tahsils.    The Banias and Brahmans own eighteen per cent, and hold land everywhere, but are most powerful in Muzaffarnagar and Jansath. The Saiyids hold seventeen per cent, and the great bulk of their possessions lies in the Jansath tahsil. Gujars are chiefly found in Kairana and the khadir lands of Muzaffarnagar; Tagas in Muzaffarnagar and Budhana ; Rajputs in Kairana and Muzaffar-nagar ; while the Sheikhs are found everywhere, their largest possessions being in the Kairana tahsil.

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KARNAL FAMILY

The Marhal family of Karnal own between them 86 villages, of which 37 lie in the Muzaffarnagar pargana, 26 in Khatauli, eight in Bidauli, five in Baghra, four in Charthiiwal and two each in Jansath, Kairana and Gordhanpur. The final revenue demand of the entire estate is Rs. 54,964. The whole of this pro­perty belonged to Nawab Ahmad Ali Khan, who was largely rewarded for his loyal services rendered during the mutiny. At his death the property was divided among his three sons, Nawab Azmat Ali Khan, Nawab Rustam Ali Khan, and Nawab Umar-daraz Ali Khan. All of these reside at Karnal, but they also have a house at Jarauda in this district.

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BANIA LANDLORD

Next to the Marhals come the Banias of Muzaffarnagar and Chhapar. The largest landowner is Kunwar Jagdish Parshad, who, with his brother, Debi Parshad, holds the estate of their father Lala Kesho Das. The property consists of 56 villages, paying a revenue of Rs. 23,974. Of these, 23 lie in the Muzaffarnagar pargana, 18 in Bhukarheri, five each in Charthawal, Khatauli, and Thana Bhawan, three each in Jhinjhana, Jansath and Baghra, and one in Gordhanpur. Rai Bahadur Lala Nihal Chand of Muzaffarnagar holds a large property consisting of 41 villages, and paying a revenue of Rs. 20,461. Of these, fourteen lie in Muzaffar­nagar pargana, seven in Bhukarheri, five each in Charthawal and Baghra, three in Jhinjhana, two each in the Jansath, Bhuma and Thana Bhawan parganas, and one in Khatauli. The property was for a long time in the joint possession of his father, Lala Sheo Narain, and his uncle, Udai Ram. Both of these rendered good service during the mutiny by supplying the officers with money, and were rewarded with a considerable amount of landed property. Rai Nihal Chand Bahadur is a leading man among the Hindus, taking a keen interest in social and public matters. He represented in these provinces in the Hemp Drugs Commission, and in return for this service was granted the title of Rai   Bahadur. 1902 he   was    appointed   a   member    of  the  Lt. Governer Council. The Chapaar family of banias now reside in Muzaffarnagar. The estate consist of 33 villages paying a revenue of 23861. 12 villages belong to Pur Chapaar, five   to    ThanaBhavan & four to Bhukarheri, three eaeh to Muzaffarnagar, Charthawal and Shamli, one each   to    Khatuuli,   Baghra   and Govardhanpur. The estate is at present  held by females, who are member of the family of Lala Nihal   Chand.     Their  names   are  Musamaat, Darab Kunwar, Mukandi Kunwar, Lachhmi and Gomti Kunwar.

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BOHARAS

   Next come the boharas of Muzaffaraagar, who  own  two large properties.   Musammat Parbati, the widow of Baldev Sahai, is in possession of 44 villages paying a revenue of Rs. 8,162    Of these 14 lie in Muzaffarnagar, twelve in Khatauli, ten in Bhukar-heri, 7  in Charthawal, two in Jansath and one in Baghra.  Mumat Sundar, another widow of Baldeo Sahai, owns 41 villages, paying an annual revenue of Rs. 7,886.    Of these villages, eleven each lie in pargana of Muzaffarnagar and   Khatauli,   ten    in Bhukarheri, six in Charthalwal, two in Jansath and one in Baghra.

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SAIYID ESTATE

The Jansatri saiyid hold five large estates. Saiyid Muzaffarali Khan son of  Khurseed Ali Khan, of Jansath owns 23 Villages of which 11 lie in Jauli Jansath, 8 in Khatauli, 3 in Bhuma and one in MuzalYdrnagar, paying a total revenue of Rs. 11775 . Saiyid Hashim Ali Khan, the son of  Ahmad   Ali Khan owns 22 villages in Jansath and seven in Khatauli  assessed at Rs. 7590. Saiyid Asgar Ali   Khan,   the son   of  Aftab   Ali Khan of Jansath has 21 villages in Jausath and three in Bhuma Sambhal Hera paying a revenue of Ra    10,227.    Sayid  Mahdi Ali Khan the son of  Hasan All Khan, is in possession of an estate consisting of five villages in Jansath, three in Khatauli, and two in Bhuma Samhal Hera assessed at Rs. 6867. Saiyid Abdulla Khan, the another son of Hasan Ali Khan, owns seven villages in  Jansath, one in Bhuma Sambhal Hera, paying a revenue of Rs. 55560. The Saiyid of Bhandura   in   tahsil   Muzaffarnagar    are   now represented by Saiyid Asaad Raza, Saiyid Baqar Raza and Saiyid Iqbal Raza, tho sons of Raja Raza Ali.    They own between   them 28 villages of which fourteen lie in Jauli Jansath, eight  in   Muzaffarnagar, four in Bhukarheri and two in Khatauli.    The estated assessed   at Rs 17976.   The head of the Tissa Saiyid is Ewaz Ali, the son of Ali Haan, who owns eight villages iu Bhu-karkhieri and six in Bhuma Sambalhera, assessed to a revenue of Rs. 8313 The Saiyids of Kakrauli in Jansath own eleven villages of which six lie in Bhuma Sambalhera and five in Bhukarheri, with a revenue of Rs. 7,201.  Saiyid Abul Raz left the property in joint tenure bettween his heirs, the chief  of   whom  are   Saiyid Muhamadi Hasan, Amir Haider, Wahaj-ul-Hasan, Jalil-ul-Hasan and Niaz Ahamad.

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JAT POSSESSION

The chief Jat landholder in the district is Chaudhri Ghasiram, the son of Chaudhri Jawahir Singh of Maulaheri in tahsil Muzaffarnagar. He is the head of the great family of Maulaheri Jats, and owns twelve villages, paying a revenue of Rs. 9736. Of these six lie in Baghra, three iu Muzaffarnagar, two in Khatauli and one in Bhuma Sambalhera.

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GUJAR LANDLORDS

The largest Gujar landholder is Rani Dharam Kunwar, the widow of Raja Raghuhir Singh of Landhaura in the Saharanpur district. She holds an estate of twelve villages, paying a revenue of Rs. 7084           annually, which is tho sole remaining portion of the great muqarrari of Raja Ram Dayal.    Five of the villages lie in Gordhanpur, three each   in  the   parganas   of    Pur   Chhapar  and Bhuma Sambalhera, and one in Bhukarheri.

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RAJPUTS

Rajput landholders of the district are of little importance.   Chief are the converted Rajput of Kairi in the Kairana tahsil and the Hindu Rajputs of Chandena in Jansath. The former hold four villages in pargana Shamli assessed at Rs. 5,016. The property at  present    held by Rao Maqsud Ali Khan, Abdul Baqir Khan and Abdul Latif Khan, the sons of Mahmud Khan  and by Abdul Khan, the son of Daud Khan.    The Thakurs of Chandsena presented   by Chaudhri Ghansaiam Singh, the son of Umrao Singh who holds five villages in Khatauli, assessed at Rs 6,200.

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TRANSFERS

Nothing gives a better idea of the progress of a district   than an accurate account of the transfers of the landed property within its limits, the cause  for these transfers, and the   castes    of   those who have lost the land and of those who are new proprietors. At the same time there are few matters regarding which it is more difficult to get accurate information than the transfers of land. A complete register of transfers is maintained, but many of these transactions which it records are purely nominal, such as the transfer of an estate among relations and fictitious sales with the object of defeating creditors.

During the settlement of 1840 to 1860 the number of transfers s was very large and the available information is fairly complete. Up to the close of the eighteenth century the Barha Saiyids owned the greater portion of the eastern parganas of the district, with the exception of a few Pathans and Sheikhs, were the only landlords. After the sack of Jansath the Saiyids declined  and their villages were seized by the Gujars of Landhaura and Bahsuma. Alter the conquest of the Saiyids returned, but they seems to  have lost their energy and distinguished themselves mainly by reckless expenditure which in many cases proved their ruin. They thus lost nearly all the large estates they formerly possessed in Khatauli and much of their lands in Jansath and Muzaffar-nagar. Their villages passed into the hands of the Jats of Maulaheri, Tagas, the Karnal family and Banias. In the Jansath pargana there were fewer transfers, but a large part of their property fell into the hands of the mahajans of Talra, who owed their position to the Saiyids of Jansath. The latter, however, did better than their kinsmen in Khatauli and succeeded in purchasing several villages in that pargana. In Bhukarheri the Saiyids of Morna and Tissa lost much, the chief purchasers being the mahajan family who held the office of treasurer to the Landhaura Raja. From 1840 onwards the Sissa and Sambalhera Saiyids regained much of their property, but in  in the khadir the smaller proprietors lost  almost all their lauds to the Banias.

In the Muzaffamagar lahsil there were fewer Saiyids and iconscquently fewer large transfers. The Nawab of Karnal purchased largely, as also did the head of the Ratheri Saiyids. In Pur Chhapar the Landhaura treasurer bought up all the land of a Jansath Saiyids and several villages belonging to smaller communitics who were allowed to engage after the lapse of the Landhaura muquarrari. The Jats and Tagas, however, held their own and  same remark applies to Baghra.

In the Budhana tahsil there were fewer transfers than anywhere else in the district. Only one-tenth of tho area in pargana Budhana changed hands between 1840 and 1860, the Rajputs, Jats and Tagas still retaining the greater part of their possessions. The Jats and Pathans of Shikarpur lost a good deal, chiefly owing to their preformances during the mutiny. In Kandhla, too, the old proprietors lost seventeen per cent, of their possessions.

In the Shamli tahsil the transfers for the same period were not very numerous. In the Shamli pargana the small Pathans, Baluchis and Sheikhs lost nearly all their possessions, chiefly through litigation and rebellion. In Thana Bhawan the latter cause resulted in the confiscation of the property of the Sheikhzadas, while in Jhinjhana the Musalman losses amounted to about one-half of the total area transferred. In Kairana the Gujars were the chief losers, the land for the most part passing into the hands of the money-lenders. It thus appears that throughout the district transfers were greatest where Musalmaans were proprietors. This was possibly due in some cases to the severity of the early assessments, but more often to extravagance and among the proprietary cultivating communities we find it to be a general rule that the most industrious gain at the expense of their weaker neighbours.

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THE BANIAS

The Settlement Officers were always in favour of maintaining tho village communities as far as possible against the Banias, being influenced by their own impressions as to the state of prosperity or otherwise in the vil­lages they inspected. With regard to the constant tendency on the part of the Banias to increase their possessions, it may be of interest to quote the words of Sir Auckland Colvin and Mr Cadell both of whom were settlement officer in this district. The former thus records his experience the method in whicg the original landholders are first reduced to cultivators and finally driven away is matter of daily experience. At different time I have had oppertunities of seeing it in its differnt stages if the land lord has not bought the cultivating rights he first gets the Patwari on his site he then commences a carreer of suits and arrears of rent refusing to divide the grain when ripe and preferring to embrace the cultivators by subsequent litigations the cultivators on their side are nothing loth and enter on the contest in the hope of dispossessing the proprietor or worrying   him    out   of  his   estate.    The former party never, the latter   only    under the prospect   of ruin, wishes for and compromise. Decrees and balances accrue, the cultivators are unable    to   meet the accumulated   demands . At last   a suit for ouster is brought, and the cultivators lose   their   right    of occupancy.   From   that moment the fight   is   over.     The   landlord   lets out his fields to men from other villages, the old cultivators disperse, the  site   is abandoned,    the   houses   fall  in,   the    high-walled enclosures are levelled, and in a corner  of the   village   a   space   is    cleared   for the low huts  ol   malis  or   the    yards of Chamars.    The   prin­cipal reason leading to the   adoption   of   such    a line  of  action I believe   to   be    that   the Mahajan landlord does not  see in what  his   real    interest  consists.    He looks for increased profits from an increased share in the    produce  of   the    land,   not from in  increase   in    the produce itself: hence he seeks to cultivate  it with men who will not haggle about their share.    The    independent qualities of Jats and Rajputs are odious to him.    The qualities that distinguish them are precisely those which   he  most dislike. First-rate agriculture,    unceasing    labour,   and     an   intelligent tenantry are not his object,    He prefers  indifferent    Village  and submiasive   hands.    And    what in this district is done on a small scale would, if occasion offered, be reproduced on a much   larger, population   is   abundant    and  agriculture   is the chief resource. Hence, in as far   as the    village  communities or  cultivators with right of occupancy-were destroyed, so far   would be    the   population depend   for   its  subsistence  on   the   terms    which   the mahajans chose to impose.     But if the germs of social progress   lie   in    the independence,   the   leisure and   the comfort of the mass,   and  to such independence, leisure, or comfort  the tenure of the mahajan fatal, does not a system in an agricultural  society,   in  proportion  as  it   extends   mahajan    tenures  and destroys   the village communities   and  the   occupancy tenants, militate against  the conditions   of  social   advancement.     Indeed, it is difficult to see what benefit can at present be expected from large   native    land-holders   in    this   part   of India.     They   do   not    understand the ties of landlords.     They have no enterprise or wish to  improve the country and forward a socail properity and they would be the very last to interest themselves about the education or progress of the masses. All experience I believe, proves, even if all a priori reasoning had failed to point out, that, as a rule, among an agricultural people great landlords and a flourishing community are incompatible; and most assuredly of all great landlords the least likely to belie experience would be the sahukars of this district. A few large estates are in every way desirable, but what seems so objectionable is the tendency to have nothing but large estates."

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Mr. Cadell thus writes of the Bania land owners :— "Justice  compels    me   to   say that in this district the Banias have, on the whole, shown themselves no worse than   proprietors of other castes.   Almost without any exception large proprietors have done nothing for their land, and Banias, if they  do nothing more, generally manage to settle hamlets where population is de­ficient.    It is only the smaller  Bania    landlords  that have   time for   detailed  oppression, and the worst of these are certainly bad enough ; they treat their tenants   as they do their  debtors;    their chief endeavour is to get   them   more and   more into their hands, to reduce the occupancy tenant to   the position  of  a   tenant-at-will,  and  if he  is then troublesome,   i e., something above the cringing Chamar, to eject him from the village.     But   the   worst, petty Bania proprietor is equalled in harshness and surpassed in courage and determination by    the   bad Saiyid or   Pathan    land­lord, and   except   that people resent oppression on the part of a new tyrant more than they do on that of an old one, it is likely that the unprivileged and unprotected   cultivator   would    find little to choose between the    two,   between the new landlord and the old, and  would  probably  prefer the   Bania   to    the  Pathan, or   the   Sheikh or  Jat,    if not   to   the  Saiyid.    The protected tenant, on the other hand, is safest with the old landlord, who has influence enough to obtain from the tenant the not very valuable but  highly-prized   present of  hay and straw, fuel, molasis, etc., upon   which   in    many   villages   the    Bania   can    only     count when   the tenant is deprived  of his rights.    It is probably from the same cause, the feeling of the comparative security of   their influence, that  Saiyid  landlords  often   allow  to their tenants a

fredom of building and in planting which the Bania would never cheerfully yield; and on the whole the old proprietor, if when roused he is a more violent, is a less insidious, enemy than  the new, when he is on good terms with his tenants, is a more generous and kindlier friend. In most instances, indeed, the worst features of the Bania landlord is his conduct in obtaining land not after its acquisition ; and when the new proprietor has swindled cultivating proprietors out of their ancestral land any terms between the two are impossible ; and such villages furnish the worst instances of Bania oppression ; and it is chiefly in the the poor and ignorant that Government interference is required and can be productive of good. The reckless Saiyid enough how his career of extravagance will end ; the petty owners needs what protection the law can give him from fraud, from good policy demands that every obstacle should be thrown in the way of the usurer obtaining land from the class which suffers most injustice during and the greatest oppression acqusition by the money-lender of their ancestral land.

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RECENT TRANSFERS

                   Between 1800 and 1890 the amount  of  transfers    was   about sixteen thousand acres.   The chief losers were the Saiyids and Gujars, who between them lost  more   than    half  the total area transfererd. Over 8599 acres  passed   out of   the hands   of  Government to other proprietors, and this area should properly be excluded from the rest. The Jats lost nearly 7800 acres, and the. Rajputs both hindu and Musalman nearly 3,000 acres. Besides these the Baluchis who parted with nearly 7,500 arces, alone deserve mention, as they lost over one-third of their small property. The losses of the smaller proprietors are more considerable then would appear from the figures, as Jats of Maulaheri  largely extended their possessions. The chief gainers were Banias who increased their estates by over 38,000 accres. Next to them come Sheikhs, Khattris, Brahmans, the Karnal families and Bohras. It thus appears that nearly three-fourth of the land transferred passed into the hands of money lenders.

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                   During past ten years the total number of transfers has been 309, and 208 of these the losers were saiyid, sheiekhs and pathans, which shows that the old tendency of the Musalman proprietors to lose their possessions through extra­vagance is still maintained at the present day. Mr. Cadell's remark that transfers in this district have been uninfluenced by the revenue demand applies equally to the present period. Since Mr. Cadell's settlement the number of cases under private sales has increased almost systematically. The vendors are mostly Musalmans, Rajputs and Gujars, and the reason for their decline is obviously the same now as it has been in the past. In the case of the Saiyid and Sheikhzada communities large pro­perties have dwindled into petty shares of small area while the expenses have remained the same. The Rajputs and Gu­jars of this district are reckless in the matter of cultivation and prefer to follow their own pursuits. During the years 1890 to 1895 the average number of cases of sale under orders of court was 203 annually, while there were on an average 734 cases of private sale and 561 cases of transfers under, mortgage. These figures show a constant increase over those of the period of the former settlement. During the years 1895 to 1900 the average number of sales under order of court rose to 221, while private sales increased to 1,010 and transfers under mortgage to 892. Losses have been greatest on the part of the Sheikhs, who are responsible for over one-third of the total number of transfers, while next to them come Pathans, Mahajans and Saiyids. The chief gainers, strange to say, have been the Saiyids, whose property has largely extended of late years throughout the whole of the Jansath tahsil. Next to them come the money-lenders and the Jats. Transfers have been numerous in Jansath alone, the only other parganas in which any number of cases have occurred being those of the Budhana tahsil, Baghra, Shamli, and Jhinjhana.

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